Friday, February 28, 2020

Seeds of the Next Agricultural Revolution


Pic from the web

This essay I wrote for the book: Handbook of Indian Agriculture 2020 -- Charting the way out of the farm crisis. 

At an age when young people are full of hope and aspirations, a 22-year-old young farmer in Barnala district in Punjab too attempted to turn around his small farm into a successful venture. Inheriting a small loan of Rs 8-lakh, and knowing well that farming had already taken an alarming toll in his family, he still decided to take up the challenge. Aware that entrepreneurship comes with associated risks, he still took 8-acres of land on lease at an annual rent of Rs 50,000 a year.

But in 2017, his standing wheat crop was damaged from a freak hailstorm. His dreams were shattered, and he could never recover from the battering he received. Unable to pay back the loan, and with lenders breathing down his neck, he was finally left with no option but to take the fatal route.

Lovepreet Singh was the fifth member in three generations of his farm family to have ended his life. About a year and a half ago, his father, Kulwant Singh, had hanged himself. His grandfather too had earlier committed suicide. That three generations of a Punjab farm family were sucked in by continuing agrarian distress clearly shows how prolonged the farm crisis has been. Not many will believe it, but Punjab, the seat of Green Revolution, has slowly turned into a hotbed of farm suicides. There is hardly a day when newspapers don’t carry reports of farmers committing suicide.

A house-to-house survey conducted by three public sector universities -- Punjab Agricultural University, Ludhiana; Punjabi University, Patiala and Guru Nanak Dev University, Amritsar – had computed the farm and farm workers suicide toll between 2000 and 2015 at a staggering 16,606. Another study by Punjabi University found that one in every three farmers in the State was living below the poverty line. In Maharashtra, 15,356 farm suicides have been reported in six years, between 2013 and 2018, reveals an RTI. At the national level, 11,379 suicides by farmers and farm workers were compiled by the National Crime Record Bureau (NCRB) for 2016, although the report was released three years late. This count was a little lower from the farm suicides tally for 2015, when 12,602 suicides were reported. A year earlier, in 2014, a total of 12, 360 farm suicides were officially recorded. The serial death dance on the farm has continued unabated.

While suicides reflected the acute distress that prevailed on the farm, essentially it was an outcome of the skewed economic policies that deliberately kept agriculture impoverished. Food prices had to be kept low to keep economic reforms viable. Keeping farm gate prices low to ensure affordable prices for consumers and ensuring a supply of cheaper raw material for the industry remained the political priority. In the process, the entire economic burden was very conveniently passed on to farmers. With real farm incomes remaining stagnant or declining over the decades, the match in reality was fixed against farmers.

Fifty years after the advent of Green Revolution, Economic Survey 2016 brought out the unpleasant truth. Accordingly, the average income of a farming family in 17 States of India, which means literally half the country, was a paltry Rs 20,000 a year. In other words, the average income was less than Rs 1,700 a month. At a time when it is not possible to even rear a cow in Rs 1,700 per month, I wonder how these families had been surviving year after year. Also, let’s not forget, the meagre farm income that Economic Survey mentioned was not only based on what the farmer was able to sell, but also included what they saved for household consumption, clearly pointing to the deep agrarian crisis. Several other studies had pointed to declining farm incomes. This is substantiated by an OECD-ICRIER study showing farmers lost an estimated Rs 45-lakh crore by being denied their rightful price in the 16-year period, between 2000-01 and 2016-17.

Now let us look at America. A report in The New York Times published way back in Feb 2010, showed how the US agriculture despite having high crop productivity, using state-of-art technology, and laced with heavy subsidies, had been sliding into depression over the years, forcing an increasing number of farmers to file for bankruptcy and quit farming. To illustrate, it specifically talked of a tragic suicide by a dairy farmer, Dean Pierson, who one fine morning after the milking was complete, took out his small-caliber rifle and shot all 51 cows on his farm in the head. He then sat on a chair and shot himself in the head. Falling prices and rising costs had pushed Dean Pierson into despair, a phenomenon that has engulfed a dominant section of the US farming community, increasingly encountering mental depression. As per the American Farm Bureau Federation, 91 per cent farmers and farm workers are faced with distress. Farm suicide rate is 45 per cent higher than the rest of the society. Such is the acute mental agony that farmers are undergoing that as many as 87 per cent of them fear they have little choice left but to quit farming. With median US farm income remaining in the negative for six years in a row, farm debt in 2019 was expected to rise to $ 418 billion.

With the number of small dairy farms falling by 17,000 in the 10 year period, between 2007 and 2017, the US had lost 30 per cent of its dairy farms. On an average, an America dairy farmer gets only 11 cents for every dollar of milk sold in the market. Over the years, milk prices have continuously been on the decline in America, Europe and Australia/New Zealand. Not only milk, prices of most commodities have remained subdued. Farmers have been finding it difficult to recover their cost of cultivation. Writing in his blog, Mike Callicrate, an American farmer, says the price at which his father sold corn on 2 December 1974, was $3.58 per bushel (equal to 25.40 kg). Forty-four years later, in January 2018, he sold corn at $ 3.56, down two cents from what his father had earned in 1974. The farmer who planted his first field of corn in 1974 can expect the same prices for his corn as he retires. All the while the prices of seed, land, equipment, fertilizer, and fuel have grown exponentially,” he wrote.

With small farmers cultivating less than two hectares accounting for 86.2 per cent of the farming population, often the agrarian distress in India is blamed on fragmented land holdings. While the argument that these small landholdings are not viable does make economic sense but the larger question that still remains unanswered is how come in the US, where the average landholding is 180 hectares, farming should turn unviable? Or for that matter in Australia, where the average farm size is 4,331 hectares, why should agriculture be in crisis? The other argument I find being commonly articulated is that the continuing agrarian distress is because of lack of irrigation and low crop productivity. While this may appear to be true for the suicide-affected regions of Vidharbha and Marathwada region in Maharashtra, the fact that Punjab, which has 98 per cent assured irrigation and tops the global chart in productivity of cereal crops – wheat rice and maize – belies this explanation. Why it is that even with assured irrigation and higher productivity, Punjab has turned into a suicide prone region?     

Although the scale of farming may be quite different, from the tiny smallholdings in India to the sprawling farms in America and elsewhere, agriculture remains a victim of economic policies that have deliberately kept farm output prices low. Whether it is India, America or Australia (or for that matter any other country) the intensive farming model is built on producing surpluses, becoming globally competitive, and in the process slashing farm incomes. Even in the US, from where India borrowed the Green Revolution technology, the high rate of crop productivity has failed to translate into higher income for farmers. Farm incomes have been on the decline despite the US having the largest commodity exchange in the world, the Chicago Mercantile Exchange, and with the multi-brand retail giant Wal-Mart having completed 50 years. Addressing the 2018 Agricultural Economic and Outlook Foreign Trade Forum, Dr Robert Johannson, Chief Economist of the US Department of Agriculture (USDA) had acknowledged: ‘Real farm prices, when indexed for inflation, have fallen sharply since 1960.’ 

The two unsavoury scenarios I presented above – from two parts of the world – are necessary to understand that neither subsistence agriculture of India nor the high-tech agriculture in America is economically viable. Nor is it environmentally sustainable. Farmers in both the countries, burdened over the years with mounting debt, are faced with acute distress, and are increasingly abandoning agriculture. Small American farmers are faced with extinction, screams a headline in the Time magazine. Outcome of an economic design, this is exactly what the American policy makers had desired. This is very clearly summed up by the US agriculture secretary, Sonny Perdue, when unmindful of the raging farm crisis, he said: “In America, the big get bigger and the small go out.”

This is not what India needs. Blindly aping the economic prescriptions flowing in from the West is not what India requires or can afford. India’s next agricultural revolution has to be based on its domestic priorities. The policy contours therefore have to be desi -- something that gels with the country’s unique and varied agro-climatic conditions, and brings about a turnaround in agriculture that leads to Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas. In a country where roughly 600 million people are dependent on agriculture, directly and indirectly, and where urban jobs have dried up, with unemployment soaring to a 45-year high, an economically viable agriculture is the only way to absorb bulk of the 1.25 million new job entrants who join the employment queue every year. The huge population in agriculture should not be seen as a burden; it should be viewed as an impeccable strength. Instead of pushing a large section of the farming population to swarm into the cities, joining the ranks of dehari mazdoor, what has to be understood is that an attractive agricultural model, based on local production, local procurement and local distribution, and having backward and forward linkages with rural industries, alone can re-energise the rural economy thereby propelling the Indian economy into a still higher growth trajectory.  

At a time when India is celebrating the 150thyear of Mahatma Gandhi’s birth anniversary, it is important to draw a roadmap for a sustainable agricultural revolution drawing from the Gandhian principles. Mahatma had once said that what India needs is a production system by the masses, and not for the masses. Considering that small farmers in India are the backbone of a healthy food system, sustaining millions of farm livelihoods therefore should become the first prerogative. For any vibrant rural economy to be sustained, the first and foremost requirement is to make farming a viable proposition. This is only possible if the dominant economic thinking is willing to look beyond the policy prescriptions which aim at sacrificing agriculture for the sake of economic growth, and have created appropriate economic conditions – by way of steep cuts in public sector investments and by deliberately keeping farm prices low – forcing farmers to abandon agriculture and migrate into the cities.   

At the heart of the transformation towards a new agricultural revolution lies a fundamental change on how income security can be assured for small farmers, and how land and water resources are used effectively through a farming system based on ecological principles. It needs a determined desi reform agenda to revitalise agriculture, usher in prosperity for farmers, and bring in a healthy food and agriculture system. 

To move away from intensive farming systems that has denuded oils, mined groundwater, contaminated the food chain, and is leading to increasing desertification is the need of the times. Especially at a time when a UN-sponsored initiative — The Economics of Ecosystems and Biodiversity (TEEB) — for agriculture and food, has in a study computed the ecological cost of the entire food and farming systems, from cutting down of forests to making land available for cultivation, from intensive farming systems to global trade in food, and further to food waste going into the landfills, accounting for 47 to 51 per cent of global greenhouse gas emissions. Considering that a shift towards agro-ecological farming systems will reduce GHG emissions in Europe by 47 per cent, as studies have shown, the shift to non-chemical agriculture in India becomes absolutely imperative. Andhra Pradesh has already shown the way, first with Community Managed Sustainable Agriculture (CMSA) and followed-up with Zero-Budget Natural Farming (ZBNF) practices which have already made 5-lakh farmers to make a shift towards regenerative agricultural practices. The proposal to make the northeast a hub for organic agriculture is a step in the right direction. The agro-ecological farming systems need to be gradually expanded to other regions as well in a phased manner. At present less than 1 per cent subsidy support goes for regenerative agriculture, which needs to grow substantially in the years to come. Skill development programmes, backed by appropriate agricultural extension and research have to be launched. But more importantly, the research focus of agricultural universities has to change towards agro-ecological farming systems. This is not easy considering the resistance shown by the top brass of the scientific community. 

Considering that a majority of the land holdings are small, collectivisation of small farmers gives them bigger bargaining power, sharing of costs and better access to resources. Whether through Farmer Producer Organisations (FPOs) or through Cooperative farming, small farms have to be aggregated. Drawing from the experience of the milk cooperatives, an equally efficient value chain for food commodities can also be built. Whatever be the approach, the underlying principle has to be on assuring farmers a profitable price thereby ensuring income security. This can be achieved by setting up a National Commission for Farmers Income and Welfare, incorporating the existing Commission for Costs and Prices (CACP), with the mandate to ensure that the minimum income a farmer receives is not less than the minimum income of the lowest government employee in hierarchy. Direct Income Support and Deficiency Payments can be the two approaches to bring about parity in incomes with other sections of the society. At no stage should farmers be left to face the volatility of markets.      

An efficient marketing system would depend upon creating an adequate infrastructure for agricultural markets. At present, an APMC mandi covers an area of 500 square kms. This has to be reduced to 80 sq kms as per the recommendations of the Swaminathan Committee. Another report says a total of 42,000 mandis are required if the objective is to provide a market yard in five kms radius. While the APMC network requires corrective measures to weed out corrupt practices, a network of village roads, like in Punjab, needs to be laid out linking them with the agricultural markets. Besides managing the huge surplus that flows in at the time of harvests, the new APMC markets infrastructure must provide a mechanism for a price incentive for good quality produce. The minimum support price (MSP) which benefits only 6 per cent of the farmers should cover the entire farming community. This will require procurement network to be expanded for all the crops for which MSP is announced. Food processing industries can be set up at places from where a sizeable quantity of the particular raw material is procured. For instance, I have never understood why Punjab should be importing wheat atta when it happens to be the biggest contributor of wheat to the central kitty.

Revitalising agriculture will require public sector investments to be significantly enhanced. Against a public sector investment varying between 0.3 to 0.4 per cent of the GDP between 2011-12 and 2016-17, at least 5 per cent of the GDP should flow to agriculture. After all, nearly 50 per cent population remains dependent on agriculture. A part of the public sector investments can go in for creating off-farm employment opportunities. In addition, like the 7,000 small and big steps laid out for ease of doing business, agriculture too needs ease of doing farming norms, at least 5,000 if not more, to be spelt out. Let us not wait for the World Bank to direct us on ease of doing farming norms. Let it be part of the desi reforms being proposed.

Delivering such a transformation will certainly be a challenge, but a new agricultural revolution based on sustainability and economic viability alone has the potential to reboot the economy. And as Nelson Mandela had once said: “it always seems impossible until it is done.”#

Source: My essay on Seeds of the Next Agricultural Revolution in the book: Handbook of Indian Agriculture 2020: Charting the way out of the farm crisis. Business Line. Feb 2020

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Tuesday, February 25, 2020

When Prof David Pimental said: "99.9% pesticides go into environment, only 0.1% hits the target pest."




Amidst a hurricane of lawsuits that the agrochemical multinational Bayer-Monsanto faces in America and elsewhere over its herbicides Roundup and Dicamba alleged link to cancer, a joint investigation by Unearthed, a journalists research group founded by the Swiss NGO Public Eye and Greenpeace UK found that India tops the global chart with nearly 59 per cent of the pesticides sales being of ‘Highly Hazardous Pesticides’. Japan follows up with 52 per cent; Brazil with 49 per cent; US with 36 per cent and UK sells only 11 per cent of these.  

As per a report in The Guardian agrochemical companies haves disputed this data. Bayer has specifically termed it ‘misleading’ but has still not countered it with its own data. Meanwhile, CropLife International, a powerful lobby group of the agro-chemical industry, claims only 15 per cent of its products are Highly Hazardous, 10 per cent that can be ‘used safely and responsibly’. Nevertheless, according to the World Health Organisation (WHO) and the UN Food and Agricultural Organisation (FAO) Highly Hazardous Pesticides (HHT) are defined as “pesticides that are acknowledged to present particularly high levels of acute or chronic hazards to health or the environment according to internationally accepted classification systems.”

This reminds me of a discussion I had with Nobel laureate Norman Borlaug sometimes in the mid-1980s. To a question what he had to say about Rachel Carlson’s path-breaking book Silent Spring, considered to have spearheaded the environment movement, Borlaug said that she was an ‘evil force’ and ‘these are the kind of people who don’t want hunger to go away’. He then explained that pesticides are like medicines. Farmers have to use them carefully taking all the precautions. What Borlaug said could be debated at length but it certainly formed the basic strategy for the Green Revolution wherein pesticides were used to save crops from pest damage. But over the years, as pesticides became more pervasive in environment,  innumerable studies have shown the use and abuse of chemical pesticides leading to environmental damages, ecological imbalances, pest resistance and contamination of the entire food chain. More recently, the UN Human Rights Council has said that pesticides have “catastrophic impacts on the environment, human health and society as a whole.”

“It’s a myth,” Hilal Elver, the UN Special Rapporteur on the right to food told The Guardian: “Using more pesticides has nothing to do with getting rid of hunger. According to FAO, we are able to feed 7 billion people today. Production is definitely increasing, but the problem is poverty, inequality and distribution.” The report further said: “Chronic exposure to pesticides has been linked to cancer, Alzheimer’s and Parkinson’s diseases, hormone disruption, developmental disorders and sterility.” 

After the International Agency for Research on Cancer (IARC) published a report linking Glyphosate (the active ingredient in RoundUp herbicide) to cancer in humans, a flurry of lawsuits in America were unleashed against the use of the toxic pesticide. While Monsanto (which has since been bought over by Bayer) claimed that regulatory agencies worldwide, including European Commission and US Environment Protection Agency, do not point to a link between Glyphosate and cancer, a large number of cancer victims nevertheless began filing legal cases. As per the latest count, an estimated 42,000 (and still counting) lawsuit have been filed so far, several legal sources say that the number of plaintiffs may have already swelled to over 100,000 by now.

Not only against Glyphosate, the lawsuits now have also moved on to another herbicide Dicamba. On Feb 15, a US federal court awarded a Missouri farmer $ 265 million in damages for the destruction wrought to his peach orchard. The farmer charged the two big agrochemical companies – Bayer and BASF – for wrecking havoc to his orchard from Dicamba herbicide sprays done by his neighbour that drifted to his field. The herbicide was being used by his neighbour for Dicamba-resistant cotton that drifted to his peach orchard ‘curling leaves and killing trees’. Another more or less similar 140 lawsuits against Dicamba now await the companies.

But it’s the legal action against Glyphosate that is being keenly watched. So far, in three trials against Glyphosate, the jury has awarded $2.3 billion in damages to four plaintiffs. Although the damages were later reduced to $ 190 million, the judgements mostly pertain to the failure of the company to adequately warn consumers of cancer risks posed by the herbicide. It was first in Aug 2018 that a San Francisco jury had awarded Dewayne Johnson, a gardener, $ 289 million in damages, which was later, reduced to $ 78 million. He suffered from non-Hodgkin’s lymphoma and claimed that he used different Glyphosate formulations in sprays. Since then three more plaintiffs have been awarded in two cases heard.

In India, a Down to Earth magazine says on an average 10,000 pesticide poisoning cases are reported every year. The National Crime Record Bureau (NCRB) had recorded 7,060 deaths from accidental pesticide poisoning in 2015, which highlights the grave danger pesticides poses. The fact that the nearly Rs 20,000-crore pesticides industry is expected to grow at a rate of 8.1 per cent till 2024, clearly shows how crucial it is to fix the regulatory holes. The proposed Pesticides Management Bill 2020 expected to be placed in Parliament will perhaps not only tighten the regulations, and make industry pay for the health damages it causes; but also look beyond keeping the tens of thousands of lawsuits in mind.

If only the world had listened to forewarning that the eminent Prof David Pimental of the University of Cornell had issued five decades back, in mid-1970s, perhaps much of the damage could have been averted. I still recall the title of his scientific paper: “99.9% pesticides go into environment. Only 0.1% hits the target pest.” Knowing that pesticides are poisons, and with less than 1 per cent of chemicals effective against pests, the world could have certainly evolved safer alternatives. Who will take that blame?

But equally important, if 90 per cent of all food eaten in the city of Copenhagen is organic, there is no reason why city dwellers cannot opt for healthy pesticide-free food. That’s a true smart city. #

The hazards of pesticides. The Tribune. Feb 26, 2020
https://www.tribuneindia.com/news/the-hazards-of-pesticides-45295?fbclid=IwAR243Lmmng1WWg8IXGq0Ed0WLYiY6isxyWUhrDItJXdqA_fY_lTwCiAbNS0 

READ MORE - When Prof David Pimental said: "99.9% pesticides go into environment, only 0.1% hits the target pest."
Reject inflammatory "concentration camp" rhetoric
A recent article on Poynter.org has ignited a debate about whether World War II Japanese-American detention centers should be called concentration camps.

Poynter ‘s Doris Truong writes, “For far too long, the WWII detention has been euphemistically
referred to as internment. With the 78th anniversary of Executive Order 9066 upon us, we as journalists must push for clearer language. Advocacy groups including Densho say what happened during the war equaled U.S.-run concentration camps. It’s notable that Franklin D. Roosevelt, whose order altered the lives of thousands of families, referred to the sites as concentration camps. Many Americans associate concentration camps only with Nazis, but any facility housing large numbers of a persecuted group meets the definition.”

No one would argue about the dictionary definition of concentration camps, but as journalists we must consider the connotations of terms, their baggage and accepted meanings, as we decide their appropriateness. Concentration camps, to most, mean not just detention, but places where people are tortured and systematically murdered. The reprehensible detention of Japanese-Americans during WWII does not rise to this level.

In fact, I would argue that calling these facilities concentration camps is needlessly inflammatory, leading to debates over semantics instead of more substantive discussions about what happened and how to prevent it from ever happening again.

This isn’t the first time the term concentration camps has been misapplied.

In an LA Times column June 9, 2019, Jonathan Katz wrote that Donald Trump’s immigrant detention centers should also be called concentration camps. Again, I consider such a label misleading and inflammatory. In my blog about Katz' column, I wrote, “Although the term concentration camp does technically describe Trump’s immigration detention facilities, the smoke created by the term obscures what’s going on inside these facilities. There is a technical distinction between concentration and death camps, but this distinction is pragmatically irrelevant—in the public’s view, they are one in the same.”

My suggestion—avoid any inflammatory, misleading hyperbole that uses the label concentration camp.

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Saturday, February 22, 2020

What happened to rural demand?


MNREGA workers 

Pointing to seven indicators that provide hope, Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman claimed the economy is getting back on the track. Replying to a debate on the Union budget for 2020-21 in Lok Sabha, she said: “Government is keen to work with everybody and we want the economy to gallop.”

Elaborating the steps taken to support the engines of growth – consumption, investment and exports – she listed the ‘green shoots’ that have started to emerge. While the Finance Minister detailed the measures taken to show that the economy is moving forward, media reports said on the crucial aspect of boosting consumption the government listed the increase in minimum support price (MSP) of all mandated rabiand kharif crops for 2019-20. If this is all it takes to boost decline in consumption demand, I wonder why rural demand, where it hit the most, slumped in the first instance.

After all, MSP is announced before every crop season, year after year, and a nominal hike in prices is always expected given the rise in cost of production. Paddy price was raised by 3.7 per cent for the 2019-20 marketing season, while the increase in wheat price for the same year was 6.1 per cent. In any case, what perhaps is not being realised is that only six per cent of India’s farmers get to market at the MSP announced. Prices for most other commodities in the open market had prevailed much lower for farmers. In other words, inefficient markets couldn’t have provided the stimulus needed to prop up rural demand.

With the outlay for MNREGA shrinking by 13 per cent, and a steep cut in food subsidies from a budget estimate of Rs 1.84-lakh crore to a revised estimate of R 1.08 lakh crore in 2019-20 to go up marginally to Rs 1.15-lakh crore for 2020-21 clearly showed that rural consumption did not receive any fillip. In addition, for the five major nutritional schemes that address malnutrition, the allocation was reduced by 3.7 per cent. The budget for mid-day meal scheme, National Health Mission and National Rural Drinking Water Mission too faced a cut. Add to it the allocations announced for agriculture and allied sectors, irrigation, rural development and panchayats which just got an incremental increase, there was in reality no fiscal stimulus for rural areas that could have boosted rural demand.

The question therefore is what happened to the declining consumption demand, especially in the rural areas? If rural demand was not a significant factor at times of a slowdown, with growth slipping to 4.5 per cent in the previous quarter, I see no reason why IMF should go to the extent of saying that a slump in rural demand in India pulled down growth, which in turn pulled down global growth. Since the Budget 2020 did not address the crisis of demand, nor were any special measures announced later to provide more money into hands of rural poor, what remains unanswered is how come growth can rebound without any tangible efforts being made to revive rural spending?

If without reviving rural demand economic growth can surge to six per cent in the next financial year beginning April, as the principal economic advisor to the finance ministry has claimed, it will be interesting to know what constitutes consumption demand for them. If consumption demand is only restricted to spike in sales of durables like mobile phones, refrigerators, air-conditioners, washing machines and automobiles etc it shows perhaps rural demand is not even factored in growth calculations. Otherwise there is no reason why the slump in rural demand remained outside the economic radar screen to be seen only in 2019 whereas rural incomes had declined or remained stagnant for over two decades. It is only when economic growth fell to less than six per cent and adequate explanations were not forthcoming for the downhill slide that mainline economists shifted focus to the hinterland for answers.

Since 70 per cent of rural households are dependent on agriculture, the depressing levels of farm incomes over the past two decades should have earlier reflected in the growth estimates. As per an OECD-ICRIER study, farmers suffered a monumental loss of Rs 45-lakh crore in the 16 year period between 2000-01 and 2016-17. Every year, the farmers encountered a loss of approximately Rs 2.54-lakh crores. So much so that even Economic Survey 2016 had estimated that average farm incomes in 17 states of India, which is roughly half the country, stood at a paltry Rs 20,000 a year. In other words, farm families in half the country were surviving on less than Rs 1,700 a month. Such a severe farm distress should have pulled down growth but it didn’t.

As if this is not enough, Niti Aayog estimates showed that during the period 2011-12 and 2015-16 the growth in real farm incomes was less than half a per cent every year. With demonetisation hitting the informal sector, the growth in real farm incomes in 2017 and 2018 was ‘near zero’. Going by the chronology of farm distress, and knowing that farmers barely had enough to manage their subsistent households, how could the acutely distressed rural farm incomes not pull down rural demand in turn? That’s a question that mainline economists and policy makers have conveniently ignored.

As long as the growth continued to hover over six per cent, going to even right and nine per cent for quite a few years, rural India remained outside the economic radar screen. Once again, when growth picks up, rural demand will disappear from the economic discourse. #

What happened to rural demand? Deccan Herald. Feb 21, 2020

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Saturday, February 15, 2020

Stubble Burning: Examining Possible Policy Interventions




A few Days before Diwali, New Delhi had been left choking with polluted air, foul and poisonous, leading to a health emergency. If air pollution during the three weeks period around Diwali in 2017 was bad, 2019 was still worse. The spike in air pollution, measured through the worsening air quality index (AQI) was blamed on the burning of paddy stubbles in the fields of north India. There is no denying that paddy harvesting season in Punjab, Haryana and parts of western Uttar Pradesh does aggravate the bad air quality in New Delhi and also causes severe air pollution in the
Indo-Gangetic plains itself but a continuous media howl had projected farmers as the culprit, as if they were doing it deliberately.

Facing flak from various agencies, including the National Green Tribunal (NGT), a large number of farmers indulging in burning the stubble left in the fields were hounded, imposed with fines , threatened with withdrawal of subsidies, and First Information Reports (FIRs) lodged against them. Treating the fire incidents as cognisable offence, farmers have been treated like petty criminals. While state governments were using satellite data to pin down farmers who resorted to crop residue burning, there is no denying that a lot of initiatives were taken by farmers, including mulching and composting, in an effort to look for alternatives. The Prime
Minister himself had mentioned in his radio talk Mann ki baat on 28 October, 2018 at least two initiatives by Punjab farmers who had vowed not to resort to stubble burning. But a large section of farmers had remained defiant, more so as
an expression of indignation, at the refusal of the policy makers to understand the difficulties they faced. 

Knowing that coercive methods against farmers will not work, and realising that farmers have little choice but to put the paddy stubbles on fire given the short window before the wheat sowing season begins, the Punjab Chief Minister Captain Amarinder Singh had written to the Prime Minister seeking an incentive of Rs 100 per quintal to be given to farmers, which comes to roughly Rs 2,500 per acre, so as to offset the additional cost that farmers are expected to incur to manage the paddy stubbles without resorting to flaming. 2017 was the third year in a row when the Punjab Chief Minister had literally pleaded for an incentive to be given to farmers to stamp-out stubble burning. While his plea was summarily turned down, a senior official of the Ministry of Agriculture had even told the NGT in October that the government was not at all considering any incentive to be provided to farmers. It clearly showed that the thrust to control stubble burning was not on directly engaging farmers but more on pushing machine as the answer. 

Citing lack of resources, not only the Chief Minister’s request for an economic stimulus package of Rs 2,000-crore, but a joint proposal two years back by Niti Aayog and Confederation of Indian Industry (CII) seeking Rs 3,000-crore to tide over the air pollution crisis emanating from burning of paddy straw was also turned down. It becomes pertinent to mention here that in 2017, Rs. 3000 crore was required by Punjab, Haryana, Rajasthan and UP to combat the air pollution problem out of which Rs. 1500 crore was needed by Punjab alone. But the requirement could not be fulfilled as both the central and the state governments said that there was lack of funds. If only the government had put on hold the one  per cent increase in dearness allowance (DA) for employees in 2017, and diverted the resources to find an amicable solution for in situ management of paddy stubble, probably New Delhi would have escaped the fury of deadly smog in 2019. This would have also brought relief to people living in the farming belt of northwest region.

If only wiser sense had prevailed in 2019 and the Centre had allocated
Rs 3,000-crores from the prescribed outlay of Rs 16,000-crore for DA installment announced before Diwali to tackle stubble burning, New Delhi would have been saved from  substantial healthcare costs. More so at a time when farmer unions had been demanding an incentive of Rs 200 per quintal to cover the cost of managing paddy stubbles without burning, and had promised not to put the paddy straw on fire, there appears to be no plausible reason for denying them the stimulus. Instead, farmers were chased, and FIRs filed against them.

A few weeks ago, the Supreme Court saw merit in the argument and directed the
Punjab, Haryana and UP governments to provide a bonus of Rs 100 per quintal to paddy growers. Coming a little late in the season, when almost 90 per cent of the standing crop had been harvested, the Supreme Court’s directive has not  had any visible impact. The damage in 2019 had already been done. But if implemented in the right earnest, after careful strategic planning and scrutiny, the incentive that Supreme Court has provided for the farmers can truly serve as the motivating factor to put an end to stubble burning in future. Let the farmer use manual labour or machines or a combination of both to clear the stubble. A beginning can be made by first withdrawing the FIRs filed against farmers to build up their confidence, and then engage with them to find ways and means to successfully dispose the huge biomass generated.

Farmers do realise that putting the crop fields on fire is first and foremost bad for the health of their families, understand its ill-effects on soil microbial structure and the environment, but find it uneconomical to take care of the paddy stubble. After the paddy has been harvested by Combine Harvesters and the grain taken to the mandis, clearing the field for the next sowing of wheat or potato, all in a short period of two to three weeks, adds to the farmer’s input costs. With or without straw management machines, what has not been acknowledged is that there is an additional cost which farmers have to incur. Considering that farm incomes are very low, and agriculture is already in the throes of a severe crisis, putting the harvested fields on fire is therefore the cheapest and easiest way of clearing the crop fields. Knowing the tremendous role farmers play in producing food for the country, here was an opportunity for the society, government and the private sector to come together and
find a workable solution. 

Let us not forget, Punjab alone produces more than 20-million tonnes of paddy straw every year and it is not that easy to manage the huge volume generated. The only possible way to manage the huge biomass is to work with farmers. Considering that Punjab has 10.78 Lakhs active MNREGA job cards, here was an opportunity to use farm labour judiciously in combating the crisis. To address the recurring problem, agricultural scientists and farm officials had suggested a set of machines as a‘fitting solution' to curb stubble burning. In the past two years, more than 50,000 crop residue management machines have been made available to farmers in Punjab at 50 per cent subsidy if purchased individually, or at 80 per cent subsidy for cooperative societies or farm clubs. Of the nearly Rs 1,152-crores allocated as subsidy for machines in the northwest region by the Centre for, about Rs 669-crores have been spent by Punjab on subsidising the machines in the past two years. Machines like Happy Seeder, chopper, cutter, mulcher, mould board plough, shrub cutter etc., in addition to making it compulsory for combine harvester machines to come attached with super straw management equipment that will cut and spread the biomass in the field. For machines, which are used barely for a few days during the season, farmers find it uneconomical to spend an astronomical amount initially and then see these machines lying idle for the rest of the year.

Already, in Punjab there are about 4.5-lakh. Tractors against the requirement of 1-lakh tractors. In addition, there are numerous other machines, including heavy machinery, that are used on the farm. The addition of a newer set of machines to manage paddy crop residue will certainly lead to over-mechanisation, which is increasingly being seen as a significant factor behind agrarian distress. The way the machines were pushed, with the government more than willing to provide subsidy, stubble burning seems to have come as a bonanza for farm equipment manufacturers. The lobbies had worked overtime, with many newspapers suggesting that these machines should be made available at 90 per cent subsidy to individual farmers. At this suggested rate of mechanisation, many fear that Punjab will sooner than later turn into a junkyard for farm machinery.

Instead of dwelling into a blame game, and building up a public hysteria against farmers, the effort should be to first understand and ascertain the root cause that has led to the crisis. The intensive wheat-paddy crop rotation that Punjab was pushed into was based on a calculated decision taken by policy makers at a time when India was living in “ship-to-mouth" existence, when food would come directly from the ship into the hungry mouths. After the remarkable turnaround in wheat production,
following the planting of dwarf wheat varieties in the mid-1960s, rice was added to the crop rotation. Punjab was traditionally not a paddy growing area, but the country needed to be food secure. With assured prices by way of a minimum support price (MSP) to farmers and an assured procurement system wherein the Food Corporation of India (FCI) was set up to mop the huge crop harvest, Punjab (including regions that now form Haryana) became the food bowl of the country.

Over the years, as wheat-rice crop rotation stabilised, efforts were to push for increased crop productivity. The resulting second-generation environmental impacts, essentially from depletion of soil nutrients from an exhaustive crop rotation, and the fall in groundwater table at an alarming rate, became clearly visible in the early 1980s. The policy response was to diversify the cropping pattern, moving away from water guzzling paddy to other crops, including maize. Two reports on crop
diversification by the noted economist Dr S S Johl had spelled out a number of measures to diversify the cropping pattern. Punjab did try for pushing in sunflower and maize to replace paddy, but in a half-hearted manner, and the experiments failed. 

Unless there was a guaranteed price and added procurement benefits farmers found it unreasonable to make a shift from paddy, and rightly so. Although the MSP for paddy (and for that matter any other crop) does not even cover the cost of production, farmers still prefer to grow paddy as the minimum price announced is at least guaranteed. At the same time, while a lot of blame is being shifted to the policy of providing free power in agriculture, the fact remains that with MSP being deliberately kept low to provide cheaper food to consumer, free power was a political answer to partly offset the losses farmers were incurring. Farmer unions
had time and again said that if they were provided with the legitimate output prices there would have been no need for free electricity. In other words, the point that has been completely missed from public debates is that what seems to be a subsidy for farmers was in reality a subsidy for consumers.

Free electricity certainly led to an increased withdrawal of ground water. With 5,337 litres of water required to produce one kilogram of rice, Punjab is literally mining ground water. But then farmers cannot be blamed entirely (some savings could have been made) for pulling out precious groundwater. They did what was expected from them to increase production. For the state government, knowing that water table was getting depleted, one plausible policy response to reduce over exploitation of groundwater was to do away with the short duration sathi crop, cultivated in April-May, and to delay the sowing of paddy. In view of the urgent need to save water, it enacted the Punjab Preservation of Subsoil Water Act 2009, which shifted the date of paddy transplanting from June 1 to June 20 (and after the Congress government was sworn in, it was advanced to June 13). The shift in paddy transplanting by a fortnight surely delayed the harvest, which meant that stubble burning coincided with the period when movement of air over Delhi NCR remains subdued.

The delay in transplanting paddy therefore came in for a lot of criticism. But as a senior Punjab government official explained, a delay in transplanting by seven days saves 1,000 billion litres of water. In other words, the delay in transplanting by roughly a fortnight – by shifting transplanting period from June 1 to June 13 -- would save Punjab 2,000 billion litres of water. Considering the studies that say Punjab will run out of water in another 25 years, any effort to save ground water should be lauded. This assumes importance given the findings of a study by Centre for International Projects Trust (CIPT), a non-profit backed by the Colombia University, which has on the basis of elaborate simulation studies, concluded that crop diversification may not eventually help in checking the groundwater balance. The shift to maize, which is considered to be less water-guzzling, may therefore not make much of a difference to ground water balance eventually but because it doesn’t leave any stubble to be burnt may still be a better option. But this has to be accompanied with a guaranteed price support system supported by the Centre. 

To say at a time when India ranks 102 in the Global Hunger Index spanning 117 countries, that paddy production is in surplus and the granaries are overflowing is a reflection on gross food (mis)management. When the country needed food, farmers were applauded for turning the country self-sufficient. They were the country’s heroes. Instead of painting them now as villains and blaming them squarely for the unmanageable food surpluses as well as the resulting environmental damages, the need is to examine where and how policies went wrong, and what appropriate policy corrections could have been made. 

Policy makers will now have to visualise the kind of policy mix required in the short-term, medium-term and beyond. While shifting from paddy cultivation may take some time, the immediate focus should be on how to curtail stubble burning. With Punjab agreeing to provide farmers with an incentive of Rs 2,500 per acre for in situ management of paddy stubble, and hoping that Haryana and Uttar Pradesh will follow suit, stamping out crop residue burning will require combination of approaches, including looking for alternatives like power generation. But more importantly, knowing the ill-will that has been generated over the years, it will require deft handling involving the farming community, various stake holders and more importantly the society at large. The bigger question however is whether the Centre and the State governments are willing to take on priority the urgent need to reduce stubble burning. #

Source: Curbing Stubble Burning: Examining Possible Policy Interventions. Economic & Political Weekly, Vol. 55, Issue No. 7, 15 Feb, 2020



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Monday, February 10, 2020

'Thalieconomics' gets it wrong



This is where the problem lies. The 27-page long chapter on the economics of a plate of food in India, which according to the Economic Survey 2020 is an attempt to quantify what a common person pays for a thali across India, only leads us to one conclusion: the cost of producing cheap food on the plate is being borne entirely by farmers.

“What better way to make economics relate to the common person than something that s(he) encounters every day – a plate of food?”says the introduction to the chapter. Sounds interesting, isn’t it? After all, Thalieconomics, as the chapter is titled, makes an effort to show case to the urban educated how the economic policies have been able to effectively keep food inflation under control thereby keeping their household budget within means. But in the bargain, it very cleverly hides the misery that millions of farmers who produce that cheaper food are living with.  

Only four years back, the Economic Survey 2016 had pointed to the miserable condition of farmers. Accordingly, the average farm income in 17 States of India or roughly half the country was a meagre Rs 20,000 a year. In other words it means that a farm family was somehow surviving on less than Rs 1,700 a month, which I have often argued is not even enough to rear a cow. This in reality is the hidden cost of producing cheaper food. To keep the consumers visibly happy, the entire burden has been very conveniently passed on to farmers. In reality, it is the producer who is actually subsidising the consumer, a fact that policy makers simply want to ignore.

But before we dwell any further, let’s first look at what Thalieconomics intends to convey. Trying to address the questions that often crops up at ‘dinner table conversations in Lutyens Delhi or in roadside Dhaba in the hinterland’ the Economic Survey 2020 goes into an elaborate statistical exercise to bring out how over the years the vegetarian thali as well as the non-vegetarian thali has become easily affordable. It uses the National Institute for Nutrition (NIN) dietary guidelines and data from Consumer Price Index (CPI) for Industrial Workers from around 80 centres across the country to construct the average price of a vegetarian and non-vegetarian thali. Assuming that an average household of five consumes two thalis a day, Thalieconomics tells us that while an average household saved Rs 10,887 per year on vegetarian meals and for the non-vegetarians the gain was Rs 11,787 per year.

The gain is not as big as the Economic Survey 2020 wants to convey. Even after such a meticulous statistical exercise – which even goes to the extent of calculating the cost of ingredients like spices that are used in preparation of sabzi, dal and non-vegetarian items -- what comes out is that post 2015-16 the average gain is merely Rs 3 per thali. To make it look big, this figure was multiplied with the average number of persons in a household and the number of days in a year to present a respectable annual saving figure for a family. Based on the average yearly increase in salary of an industrial worker, it tells us that the affordability of a vegetarian thali between 2006-07 and 2019-20 has increased by 26 per cent and the non-vegetarian thali by 18 per cent.

Now where the Economic Survey 2020 has gone wrong is to attribute the increasing affordability of a thali to ‘many economic reforms measures introduced since 2014-15 to enhance the productivity of the agricultural sector as well as the efficiency and effectiveness of agricultural markets for better and more transparent price discovery’. If this was true, I see no reason why farmer protests across the country should be growing. In 2014, the National Crime Record Bureau (NCRB) had recorded 687 farm protests; increasing to 2,683 in 2015, and further surged to 4,837 in 2016. Just in two years, farmer protests had grown by seven times. Even thereafter, although no official data is available, the number and intensity of farmers’ protests have only multiplied. Remember the peaceful long march in Maharashtra? Remember recurring events of farmers dumping tomato, potato and onion on the streets?

If agricultural markets had performed efficiently leading to a better price realisation, the Chief Economic Advisor (CEA), under whose guidance the Economic Survey is prepared, should explain how and why farm incomes have been on a downhill path crashing down to a 14-year low in 2018. Consumer food price index the same year had come down to minus 2.65 per cent. When food prices decline, the policy makers rejoice but it is the farmers who suffer the devastating consequences of a drastic slump in incomes. After all, they too have families to support. They too have to meet the household expenses, maintain their livelihoods and let’s not forget they have the same kind of aspirations as the people in the cities. But denying them a rightful price for their produce and that too year after year is what has led to a deepening agrarian crisis. As I have always maintained, when a farmer undertakes crop cultivation what he does not realise is that he is actually cultivating losses. 

Instead of a theoretical construction of the economics of a thali, Economic Survey would have done a greater justice by focusing on the terrible agrarian crisis that prevails. It could have at least made an attempt to understand how farmers have been actually subsidising the national economy. An OECD-ICRIER study for the period 2000-01 to 2016-17 has shown that while farmers got low prices, suffering a cumulative loss of Rs 45-lakh crores in 16 years, the consumers gained by paying 25 per cent less for food. While farmers incurred a loss of about Rs 2.65-lakh crore every year to ensure that urban consumers could afford a cheaper thali, the reason why agriculture is in a severe crisis becomes crystal clear.

To keep food prices low, farmers are actually being penalised to grow food. It is high time appropriate income support policies are put in place to compensate farmers for the low commodity prices. #  

"Thalieconomics' gets it wrong. The Tribune. Feb 8, 2020
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Thursday, February 6, 2020

School Suspension For First Offense Is Frequently Prohibited, But Schools Continue To Ignore Legal Mandates

By Michelle Ball, California Education Attorney for Students since 1995

In 2013, the California legislature amended Education Code §48900.5, clearly specifying when a student can and cannot be suspended for a first offense, designating what offenses were excluded from this prohibition, and just what "other means of correction" may be attempted instead of suspension.  Yet, to this day, this code remains ignored and improperly applied, which means thousands of students across California are being illegally suspended in breach of §48900.5.

The bad news here is that to get these improper suspensions out of a student's records, a legal argument needs to be made to the school or district, and they don't always believe parents nor determine that §48900.5 applies.  When legally challenged on the improper imposition of a suspension in breach of §48900.5, with clear arguments being made, they may remove and expunge the wrongful suspension from the child's records.  However, removal is not always certain, and presents a hassle for parents to pursue.  Schools can still assert their right to balk the law or try to allege "danger."  It would be much easier and fairer if schools would just not suspend for first offenses as described in §48900.5.

To reiterate what §48900.5 says:
  
(a) Suspension, including supervised suspension as described in Section 48911.1, shall be imposed only when other means of correction fail to bring about proper conduct. A school district may document the other means of correction used and place that documentation in the pupil’s record, which may be accessed pursuant to Section 49069.7. However, a pupil, including an individual with exceptional needs, as defined in Section 56026, may be suspended, subject to Section 1415 of Title 20 of the United States Code, for any of the reasons enumerated in Section 48900 upon a first offense, if the principal or superintendent of schools determines that the pupil violated subdivision (a), (b), (c), (d), or (e) of Section 48900 or that the pupil’s presence causes a danger to persons.

Sections (a)-(e) of §48900 cover the following offenses (the student may be suspended on a first offense for these actions):

(a) (1) Caused, attempted to cause, or threatened to cause physical injury to another person.
(2) Willfully used force or violence upon the person of another, except in self-defense.
(b) Possessed, sold, or otherwise furnished a firearm, knife, explosive, or other dangerous object, unless, in the case of possession of an object of this type, the pupil had obtained written permission to possess the item from a certificated school employee, which is concurred in by the principal or the designee of the principal.
(c) Unlawfully possessed, used, sold, or otherwise furnished, or been under the influence of, a controlled substance listed in Chapter 2 (commencing with Section 11053) of Division 10 of the Health and Safety Code, an alcoholic beverage, or an intoxicant of any kind.
(d) Unlawfully offered, arranged, or negotiated to sell a controlled substance listed in Chapter 2 (commencing with Section 11053) of Division 10 of the Health and Safety Code, an alcoholic beverage, or an intoxicant of any kind, and either sold, delivered, or otherwise furnished to a person another liquid, substance, or material and represented the liquid, substance, or material as a controlled substance, alcoholic beverage, or intoxicant.
(e) Committed or attempted to commit robbery or extortion.

You may recognize these are the more violent and dangerous offenses for which a student may be suspended.  Some of these also warrant a mandated recommendation for expulsion.

Regardless, if a student is not suspended under one of these subsections, and their offense is not "dangerous," they are NOT supposed to be suspended on their first offense, but should receive an alternative to suspension instead.  Examples of alternatives could be to complete a task at school, receive a detention, receive counseling, etc.  There is a long list in §48900.5(b).

What I have found is either the school officials are unaware of the requirement that alternatives to suspension be applied, or they don't care, and just keep imposing suspensions for non-violent offenses like they "always" have.  However, the amendment in 2013 to §48900.5 created a new standard that has to be met for a suspension to proceed.

Parents need to evaluate the suspensions their children are receiving, and challenge them where appropriate: where the suspension is a first offense, is not under §48900 (a)-(e) and is a non-dangerous offense.  This is the only way schools will start following the law and stop kicking our kids out of school for minor offenses.  The legislature meant what it said and the schools need to follow their clear mandate regarding first offenses.  Make sure that they do.

Best,

 

Michelle Ball

Education Law Attorney 

 

LAW OFFICE OF MICHELLE BALL 

717 K Street, Suite 228 

Sacramento, CA 95814 

Phone: 916-444-9064 

Email:help@edlaw4students.com 

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Please see my disclaimer on the bottom of my blog page. This is legal information, not legal advice and no attorney-client relationship is formed by this posting, etc. etc.!  This blog may not be reproduced without permission from the author and proper attribution of authorship. This blog may not reflect the current state of the law.

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